Message to The Conference to Commemorate the 40th Martyrdom of Comrade Ibrahim Kaipakkaya

Dear comrades,

Though we are not able participate, our minds and hearts are with you on this historic occasion of commemorating the 40th martyrdom of the great Maoist leader comrade Ibrahim Kaipakkaya.

Comrade Kaipakkaya was one of the pioneer leaders of the Maoist movement that emerged throughout the world in the 1960s and early 1970s. The Great Debate against Krushchev revisionism led by Mao Tsetung, the Cultural Revolution and the incessant striving of the communists in different countries to take the road of revolution were the powerful sources of this revolutionary upsurge.

Address to Revolutionary Democratic Front Conference, Hyderabad, April 2012

Speech delivered on behalf of Struggle India at the First Conference of RDF on April 23, 2012

Respected President of this meeting, other comrades both sitting on the dias and those in this auditorium,

Really, when I stand before you I am immensely instilled with inspiration and I feel much honoured to be amongst you.

First of all I wish to congratulate this First Conference of the Revolutionary Democratic Front and on behalf of Struggle India, of which Porattom is a part, I extend our militant solidarity. This Conference is held in an excellent revolutionary situation not just in our country but at the global level also. But at the same time it is a complex situation also.

'New Modes of Exercising Local Power': 2011 Kolkatta Symposium - Paper Presented by 'Gana Mukti Sangram'

NEW  MODES  OF  EXCERCISING  LOCAL  POWER

PASCHIM  BANGA’S  PERSPECTIVE

Original Bengali Version (PDF) 

Article 40 of the constitution of India says ׃ “The state shall take steps to organize village Panchayats and endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as units of self-government.” Though, in ultimate analysis, self-governance in a bourgeois set-up serves the interest of the oppressor ruling class, yet, for long, there was no pressure from below upon them to put into effect even this modest and limited declaration of the constitution. Congress as the oldest organized party of the bureaucratic big bourgeoisie and feudal lords was at the centre of national and local level politics. Big jotedars in the rural areas were the vehicle of Congress-rule. This was the period of individual authority of big jotedars in rural life. Panchayats were a de-facto non-entity. For obvious reasons, any anti-feudal peasant struggle during those days used to take a leap towards an anti-Congress struggle in no time. In our State, Gandhi-cap-clad Congressite Seva Dal much exceeded police forces, so far as the atrocity against the struggling peasants of Tebagha movement is concerned. In fact, this Seva Dal was a gang of goons of the then jotedars.

'New Modes of Exercising Local Power': 2011 Kolkatta Symposium - Paper Presented by 'Porattam'

 A new mode of exercising local power: the case of Keralam 

We have gathered here to study and discuss “new modes of exercising local power”. The very formulation of the topic, the proposition of “local power”, implies an understanding of modern Indian society quite at variance with the official claims made about it. So it is appropriate that we start by presenting this counter-view. We understand that India is still dominated and exploited by imperialism. Moreover, though weakened, caste-feudalism is still a powerful factor in all spheres of society. This is the essence of characterising this country as semi-colonial, semi-feudal. It indicates an on-going, unfinished, transformation. We will proceed by first giving a brief outline of this dynamics, as seen in the case of Keralam.

'New Modes of Exercising Local Power': 2011 Kolkatta Symposium - Invitation

Struggle India

____________________________________________________________

Dear friends,

In the Maoist view, bureaucrat capitalism is unique to oppressed countries like India. Instilled and fostered by imperialism, it is closely intertwined with feudalism and serves both imperialism and feudalism. It acquires a monopoly character through state patronage, and the fortunes of its various agents wax and wane in tune with the political clout they can muster.

Bureaucrat capitalism is, most usually, considered applicable to big capital only. Contrary to this, we think that it has a wider field of operation. Its dynamics is seen throughout society, in every realm, be it the economy, political system, social relations, culture or even the current hot topic of corruption.

Preliminary observations indicate that the growth of bureaucrat capitalism and the consequent, ongoing, restructuring of semi-feudalism are spawning new forms of exploitation and domination. New modes of exercising power and corresponding structures have emerged. It is this we wish to probe in a specific field, namely at the level of the political structure at the bottommost level of the state.

What are the factual data substantiating such observations? How is the dialectics of removal/renovation seen in the transformation of semi-feudalism manifested in them? What is the content and form of political power exercised in such regions? What is the role played by parliamentary political parties in mediating/manifesting these new modes of political control? What is the role and function of panchayats, co-operatives etc. in it? How is this integrated with overall governance and the state? What are the challenges/opportunities all these pose before people’s movements?

Arriving at a comprehensive understanding of these issues is no doubt a heavy task, made even more complex by the divergent conditions of this vast country. Yet a beginning can be made by airing views and engaging in debate. This is the inspiration for having a symposium on this topic. Representative participation from different States and people’s organisations will be of great help in getting acquainted with facets of the issue, developing our knowledge about them, and thus being better equipped to develop practice. We therefore hope you will join us to explore and debate, by attending the symposium on

‘New Modes of Exercising Local Power’

at Kolkata.

on the 12^th of November, 2011.

The exact venue and contact information will be intimated later.

Awaiting your early reply,

with revolutionary greetings,

Contact:                                                                                                                                                            MN Ravunni

MN Ravunni        09249713184                                                                                                       Acting Secretary

Sukhendu Sarkar 09163549272                                                                                                      Struggle India

Corruption and the Lokpal Bill

On Corruption and the Lok Pal Bill

  

Anna Hazare’s hunger strike had started off with a “Do or Die” ultimatum. If the Jan Lokpal Bill wasn’t adopted by the Parliament within the 30th of August, procedure be damned, the strike would be indefinite and lead up to a wave of struggles all over the country. The Manmohan Singh government and assorted parliamentary parties blew hot over this threat to ‘Parliamentary sovereignty’. But they found few takers and were soon forced to bow to Anna. News channels had a field day, their tone shrilling up as the days passed. This was the spectacle of the century, a Big Boss reality show of gigantic proportions. There was of course a slight change in the format– the sole entrant in the hunger strike, this most open and simple of all forms of struggle, was permitted the right to disappear from public gaze daily and furthermore to enjoy the ministries of corporate healthcare. Thus, over the course of a few days, a 21st century Gandhi was discoursed up – media savvy, corporate friendly and yet as rural as it can be, khaddar topi and all.  Democracy of the ‘crowd in the streets’ variety was held up against Chanakian machinations of the ‘official’ variety. The disgust and anger long felt by people against politicians was deliberately fanned up. MPs were publicly heckled and that sight was beamed all across the country. Truly, the political class in India had never ever been so isolated. Finally, the cathartic show ended with a true Gandhian compromise, the type which can be stretched at will. Quite symbolic of conspicuous absences in the Ram Lila maidan crowd, Anna ended his strike by drinking juice from a glass held by a Dalit and Muslim girl. And, surprises of all, the winners of this edition of the show came out in seemly pairs: Anna and Manmohan, ‘civil society’ and parliament. The advantage was with Anna and his civil society. But the bad guys were now good guys, sagacious statespersons worthy of leading the nation. Give them a Munna Bhai hug and join the chant - Chak De!